Laura Biagiotti Roma Uomo homme / men, Eau de Toilette, 1-pack (1 x 125 ml)

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Once the very core of ancient Romanness, the city of Rome gradually lost its exceptional status within the empire in late antiquity. [61] By the end of the third century, the city's importance was almost entirely ideological, and several emperors and usurpers had begun reigning from other cities closer to the imperial frontier. [62] Rome's loss of status was also reflected in the perceptions of the city by the Roman populace. In the writings of the 4th-century Greek-speaking Roman soldier and author Ammianus Marcellinus, Rome is described almost like a foreign city, with disparaging comments on its corruption and impurity. [61] Few Romans in late antiquity embodied all aspects of traditional Romanness. Many of them would have come from remote or less prestigious provinces and practiced religions and cults unheard of in Rome itself. Many of them would also have spoken 'barbarian languages' or Greek instead of Latin. [63] Few inscriptions from late antiquity explicitly identify individuals as 'Roman citizens' or 'Romans'. Before the Antonine Constitution, being a Roman had been a mark of distinction and often stressed, but after the 3rd century Roman status went without saying. This silence does not mean that Romanness no longer mattered in the late Roman Empire, but rather that it had become less distinctive than other more specific marks of identity (such as local identities) and only needed to be stressed or highlighted if a person had recently become a Roman, or if the Roman status of a person was in doubt. [64] The prevalent view of the Romans themselves was that the populus Romanus, or Roman people, were a "people by constitution", as opposed to the barbarian peoples who were gentes, "peoples by descent" (i. e. ethnicities). [65] Among the works of Roman literature that can be read today, those of Plautus are the earliest to survive in full to modernity, and also the first to mention homosexuality. Their use to draw conclusions about Roman customs or morals, however, is controversial because these works are all based on Greek originals. However, Craig A. Williams defends such use of the works of Plautus. He notes that the homo- and heterosexual exploitation of slaves, to which there are so many references in Plautus' works, is rarely mentioned in Greek New Comedy, and that many of the puns that make such a reference (and Plautus' oeuvre, being comic, is full of them) are only possible in Latin, and can not therefore have been mere translations from the Greek. [20] Heroic portrayal of Nisus and Euryalus (1827) by Jean-Baptiste Roman: Vergil described their love as pius in keeping with Roman morality

Same-sex relations among women are far less documented [2] and, if Roman writers are to be trusted, female homoeroticism may have been very rare, to the point that Ovid, in the Augustine era describes it as "unheard-of". [3] However, there is scattered evidence—for example, a couple of spells in the Greek Magical Papyri—which attests to the existence of individual women in Roman-ruled provinces in the later Imperial period who fell in love with members of the same sex. [4] Overview [ edit ] Rich, John; Shipley, Graham (1995). War and Society in the Roman World. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-12167-5. Gess, Randall; Lyche, Chantal; Meisenburg, Trudel, eds. (2012). Phonological Variation in French: Illustrations from three continents. John Benjamins Publishing. pp.1–397. ISBN 978-90-272-7318-5. As with the other early Medieval changes to Roman identity, the origins of this change can be traced to the 6th century. Cassiodorus, who served the Gothic kings, used 'Romans' to describe Roman people across Italy, but Pope Gregory the Great, at the end of the 6th century, uses 'Roman' almost exclusively for the people in the city. The Historia Langobardorum, written by Paul the Deacon in the 8th century, postulates that the term civis Romanus ("Roman citizen") is applied solely to someone who either lived in, or was born in, the city of Rome and it could for instance be applied to the Archbishop of Ravenna, Marinianus, only because he had originally been born in Rome. This indicates that the term at some point ceased to generally refer to all the Latin-speaking subjects of the Lombard kings and became restricted to the city itself. [107]

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Efstathiadou, Anna (2011). "Representing Greekness: French and Greek Lithographs from the Greek War of Independence (1821–1827) and the Greek-Italian War (1940–1941)" (PDF). Journal of Modern Greek Studies. 29 (2): 191–218. doi: 10.1353/mgs.2011.0023. S2CID 144506772. In Byzantine writings up until at least the 12th century, the idea of the Roman "homeland" consistently referred not to Greece or Italy, but to the entire old Roman world. [127] [w] Despite this, the Romans of Byzantium were also aware that their present empire was no longer as powerful as it once had been, and that centuries of warfare and strife had left the Roman Empire reduced in territory and somewhat humbled. [129] Sarti, Laury (2016). "Frankish Romanness and Charlemagne's Empire". Speculum. 91 (4): 1040–1058. doi: 10.1086/687993. S2CID 163283337. Nicol, Donald M. (1992). The Immortal Emperor: The Life and Legend of Constantine Palaiologos, Last Emperor of the Romans. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-511-58369-8.

Delogu, Paolo (2018). "The post-imperial Romanness of the Romans". In Pohl, Walter; Gantner, Clemens; Grifoni, Cinzia; Pollheimer-Mohaupt, Marianne (eds.). Transformations of Romanness: Early Medieval Regions and Identities. De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-059838-4.

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Conant, Jonathan P. (2015). "Romanness in the Age of Attila". In Maas, Michael (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Attila. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-02175-4. Light, Duncan; Dumbrăveanu Andone, Daniela (1997). "Heritage and national identity: Exploring the relationship in Romania". International Journal of Heritage Studies. 3 (1): 28–43. doi: 10.1080/13527259708722185. Bileta, Vedran (2016). "The last legions: The "barbarization" of military identity in the Late Roman West". Tabula. Hrčak (14): 22–42. doi: 10.32728/tab.14.2016.02. Religion had always been an important marker of Romanness. As Christianity gradually became the dominant religion in the Roman Empire through late antiquity, and eventually became the only legal faith, the Christianised Roman aristocracy had to redefine their Roman identity in Christian terms. The rise of Christianity did not go unnoticed or unchallenged by the conservative elements of the pagan Roman elite, who became aware that power was slipping from their hands. Many of them, pressured by the increasingly anti-pagan and militant Christians, turned to emphasising that they were the only 'true Romans' as they preserved the traditional Roman religion and literary culture. [77] According to the Roman statesman and orator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus ( c. 345–402), true Romans were those who followed the traditional Roman way of life, including its ancient religions, and it was adherence to those religions that in the end would protect the empire from its enemies, as in previous centuries. Per Symmachus and his supporters, Romanness had nothing to do with Christianity, but depended on Rome's pagan past and its status as the heart of a vast and polytheistic empire. [78] The ideas of Symmachus were not popular among the Christians. Some church leaders, such as Ambrose, the Archbishop of Mediolanum, launched formal and vicious assaults on paganism and those members of the elite which defended it. Like Symmachus, Ambrose saw Rome as the greatest city of the Roman Empire, but not because of its pagan past but because of its Christian present. Throughout late antiquity, Romanness became increasingly defined by Christian faith, which would eventually become the standard. [79] The status of Christianity was much increased through the adoption of the religion by the Roman emperors. [80] Throughout late antiquity, the emperors and their courts were viewed as the Romans par excellence. [81]